Does Gove speaked with forked tongue?

Defra secretary Michael Gove has become something of an unlikely hero with green activists. Some of this reputation has been achieved by grabbing low hanging fruit such as stopping the sale of ivory antiques or banning the use of plastic microbeads in personal care products.

However, this week he delighted greens by condemning farmers who 'drench' their fields with chemicals and damage soil fertility. In my experience most farmers don't over apply chemicals as it would be a waste of money. Never mind, the Soil Association said they had been 'bowled over' by his comments.

So are farmers unhappy with him? No, because he has giving them assurances behind the scenes. Moreover, he has matched his words with actions. He ensured that the UK voted in favour of retaining glyphosate in the EU and has ordered the biggest cull of badgers ever.

Mr Gove is an ambitious man and he is trying to win support in as many areas of political life as he can.

Future of key pesticide in doubt

The future of glyphosate, a key ingredient in pesticides, is in doubt in the EU. Arable farmers say they cannot do without it if they are to farm successfully, but environmental lobbies such as Pestcides Action Network Europe (PAN) have been working hard on the issue: Weedkiller decision

A standard ten year renewal no longer seems achievable, but it may be possible to get agreement on a three year phasing out period. However, Angela Merkel's need to involve the Greens in a German coalition government is a complicating factor. In any event, its future seems in doubt and the search for alternatives will need to begin. The scientific evidence is contested, but the politics are leading the way with President Macron favouring its withdrawal.

PAN's statement can be found here: Policy recommendations

The perspective of the National Farmers Union can be found here: Questions and answers

New SAWS scheme not ruled out

The Government has now responded to the House of Commons Defra committee report on the agricultural labour market: Response

It argues that the sector faces a 'challenging situation' rather than a crisis. However, it does not rule out a new version of the SAWS scheme and says that such a scheme could be introduced within months of it being needed.

Farmers incomes could halve after Brexit

The AHDB has produced a report looking at alternative scenarios for Brexit and the impact on farmers: Brexit Scenarios

Agricultural incomes could halve after Brexit unless the UK strikes a free-trade agreement with the EU, according to a new report that urges farmers to prepare for Britain’s departure from the bloc by boosting their productivity.The average UK farm is predicted to have its income fall from a current level of £38,000 per year to £15,000 should the UK unilaterally open its borders to low-cost food producers.

The AHDB also found that in a second scenario of the UK erecting protectionist trade barriers, farm incomes would fall to £20,000. However, if the UK succeeded in its objective of securing a free-trade deal with the EU, the AHDB said the average farm income could rise slightly to £41,000, because an increase in trading expenses would push up costs of imports and therefore the prices that farmers can charge for their products.

Which scenario is most likely remains to be seen, although the odds of a hard Brexit appear to have increased. However, judging from an interview in the latest Farmers Weekly with a farmer who voted 'Leave', many remain optimistic. His 'Remain' colleague, a tenant farmer, feared he may have to leave farming and was already taking a Law degree.

Thinking about domestic farm policy after Brexit

Brexit is going to occur, but we do not know what form it will take or when it will be completed. The chances of a very hard Brexit seem to be increasing which would not be good news for farming in particular and the economy more generally.

Last week I gave a presentation in the Entente Cordiale room at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office on options for a domestic agricultural policy after Brexit. Staff from a number of government departments were there including Brussels and UKRep Brussels. There were some very good questions, as one would expect.

Policy objectives

I suggested that what we needed to learn from the CAP was the need to have a clear and hierarchically ordered set of objectives. We should avoid poorly designed and overly complex policy instruments that imposed high transaction costs on both government and farm businesses.

Policy should seek to support an economically, socially and environmentally sustainable agriculture:

• Economic: profitable, productive and internationally competitive
• Social: the need to support marginal farmers in upland areas and to avoid depopulation in remote rural areas, especially island communities. Often the biggest boost that could be given to these communities was in the form of infrastructure, especially fast broadband. I gave the example of how the Isles of Scilly had benefited from this: Take up of fast broadband. A theme that emerged in discussion was that a sustainable rural life depended on many things apart from farming. Discussion centred on what role local authorities might take. The Orkney Islands have been successful at attracting returning graduates: Going back home. This is not just a question of the renewables industry: I know from reading The Orkney Farmer that it is happened in agriculture and food processing.
• Environmental: minimise environmental damage from farming activity and promote beneficial effects.

What will go and what the emphasis will be

Area payments would disappear, except possibly in upland areas. There has been resentment at large sums paid to big scale farmers, often investors from outside the industry who may have tax planning motivations. However, it should be remembered that big farms are generally the most competitive, and they will be competing against, for example, North European grain farmers who will still be receiving EU subsidies.

The emphasis in the future will be on public goods, as is evident from remarks made by the Secretary of State (Michael Gove) at the Conservative Party conference and elsewhere. These would include the maintenance of valued landscapes and resilience in relation to climate change. There is a lot of interest in ecosystem services. Payment for them would mainly benefit upland farmers, but how does one price them?

Technological revolution

Farming is on the verge of a digital technological revolution which is likely to be as important as earlier revolutions which saw the introduction of crop rotation and agronomy; mechanisation; and artificial fertilisers/agrochemicals. Data from near earth satellites has been used for some time, but drones offer more precise information to guide decisions in relation to crops. There will be an ability to monitor the condition of cattle ín the fields. Advances are being made in robotic ploughing, planting and cropping.

Accelerating this trend may be an area where the Treasury would be willing to provide some support. Knowledge transfer and training is key with an important role for the existing four Centres for Agricultural Innovation.

There might be a case for supporting investment in buildings and equipment, particularly for sectors that did not receive much CAP funding, e.g., pig farming. This could run up against the additionality problem of paying farmers to do things they would have done anyway, but it would be a mechanism for helping farms to remain internationally competitive.

I noted that migrant labour was one one of the biggest concerns raised with me by farmers as its availability was already declining. This was a particular issue for the horticulture and field vegetable sectors. However, dairying had become increasingly reliant on EU and Fillipino labour. In a time of full employment, recruitment from the local unemployed pool was not possible, even if it ever was. Further mechanisation was some way off. What was needed was a new version of the SAWS scheme, but the difficult political question would be which countries to include.

Elephants in the room

The devolved administrations feared that Westminster was using Brexit as an opportunity to repatriate functions that were rightly theirs. However, we did need a UK policy framework to maintain a level playing field. The whole question of the trade settlement, largely dealt with by fellow presenter Carmen Hubbard, was clearly crucial. One issue that arose in discussion was whether the shelf life of fresh products could be extended to offset delays at the ports.

Succession planning

One issue that was raised in discussion was the advanced average age of farmers (which has been high for some time). I pointed out the statistics may not reflect the reality of a farm business. For example, my brother-in-law is 75, but my nephew has just turned thirty and is driving the farm business forward. Succession planning is nevertheless perhaps an issue under researched by academics, notwithstanding all the advice available from consultants and the farming press. I suggested that The Archers had offered some good fictional treatments of the inter generational tensions that can arise in a farm business.

Thanks

Palmerston and Larry discuss their differences over policy

Thanks to the FCO for offering me a tour of the building, but above all the chance to meet Palmerston the Foreign Office cat who was basking in the sunshine surrounded by a semi-circle of admirers. We peeped into Downing Street, but could not see his adversary Larry.

TRQ deal knocked on head

Hopes that the UK and the EU had reached an agreement in principle on the tricky topic of tariff rate quotas (TRQs) have been knocked on the head by an intervention by the United States. The Trump administration is leading a group of countries challenging British plans to retain EU import restrictions on agricultural goods after Brexit. The other six countries who sent a letter to the UK's WTO representative and his EU counterpart were leading agricultural exporters: Argentina, Brazil, Canada, New Zealand, Thailand and Uruguay.

New Zealand's former high commissioner in London has given it large on the issue saying that the row would make Brexit look 'like a kids' Christmas party' if access was scaled back.

The risk for the UK is that part of the post-Brexit transition in the WTO it may have to accept opening up access to agricultural goods from third countries far more than it wants, even before it agrees the much vaunted new trade deals with such countries.

The UK has tried to smooth ruffled feathers by saying that the plans would be discussed extensively with partners in the WTO before proceeding. This is the opening stage of a process in which countries have staked out their starting position in what is likely to be a long negotiation.

Farmers don't drive land prices

It is often claimed that Brexit will bring down the price of farmland and make life easier for new entrants. However, according to Strutt & Parker, lifestyle buyers and tax-savvy investors are about to overtake farmers as the primary buyers of agricultural land. This conclusion is based on an analysis of every public sale of over 100 acres since 1996.

Farmers bought 68 per cent of the holdings for sale in 1998 but they bought over 51 per cent of those sold in the first six months of this year. Private investors have increased from 4 per cent of buyers in 1998 to 20 per cent this year. Lifestyle buyers have stayed largely constant at 25 per cent of sales [most of these sales in England are within reasonable travelling distance of London]. Overseas and institutional investors fluctuated around 4 per cent combined.

Stamp duty is capped at 5 per cent when a country house comes with land, otherwise a mansion is liable for up to 12 per cent. Agricultural land is also exempt from inheritance tax.

Sir James Dyson, who bought 33,000 acres (of admittedly good quality land) in Lincolnshire, Oxfordshire and Gloucestershire, is believed to have paid £15,000 an acre in 2013. Average prices peaked at £10,100 in acre in 2015 and, because of many years of poor prices and Brexit uncertainties, have dropped to around £9,600 an acre.

James Beedell, head of research at Strutt & Parker, said that investors have turned to farmland after the 2008 financial crisis because they wanted something safe. 'Lifestyle buyers and investors set prices because what they are prepared to pay for land isn't necessarily related to the profit it can produce.'

If there is a fall in land prices in Brexit, it could lead to greater consolidation as those with capital or access to it buy up smaller farms. Some think that would lead to productivity gains, others that it would have an adverse effect on rural communities and landscapes.

TRQ deal agreed

Tariff rate quotas have always been one of the more difficult aspects of the negotiations between the UK and the EU over agricultural issues arising from Brexit. However, it looks as if an understanding about a deal has been reached. It may, however, not please third countries which could cause trouble down the line. The proposed deal would not expand overall quotas, and hence market access.

TRQs set the amount of goods that can be exported at low or zero tariffs, and are hence valued by agricultural exporters. The UK and the EU need to share out the quotas by the time Brexit takes place in 2019. Countries such as Australia and New Zealand have been pushing for an increase in combined UK-EU quotas after Brexit.

The deal would divide up quotas according to where goods were previously consumed. For example, the UK would take a larger quota for products such as New Zealand lamb. Consumption patterns would be measured over a three year period. This outcome would reduce additional competitive pressure on sheep farmers in particular.

Australia and New Zealand will challenge any outcome they think reduces their current levels of market access. Other major agricultural exporters such as Brazil and the US want more market access. However, if they decide they want to take matters to the dispute settlement mechanism of the WTO, they may be in for a disappointment. The US has been blocking the appointment of new judges and the quasi-judicial tribunal may soon have insufficient judges to function.

Limits to Kiwi lesson learning

Attention is often drawn to how New Zealand benefited from the withdrawal of agricultural support, but this helpful briefing note from the AHDB points out that there are many differences between the situation in New Zealand in 1984 and that in Britain today: What can we learn from New Zealand?

In particular we should never forget that New Zealand has a particularly favourable climate for livestock with year round grazing.

There are some lessons that can be drawn:

• Should the structure of farm support change there is likely to be a challenging transition period
• In order for the UK agriculture industry to be successful post-Brexit there will need to be a focus on efficiency and streamlining
• There may be opportunities for the UK to carve out niches and for agriculture to thrive through increased vertical integration
• Agriculture operates most efficiently when decisions are based on actual market returns

Not so sweet?

This article examines the implications of the end of EU sugar quotas: Sugar deluge?

European refiners are seeking to increase production and secure more exports. However, the EU price is likely to fall in line with the lower global price, so it may not be good news for those who grow sugar beet. Less sugar may also be imported from least developed countries in Africa and the Caribbean.

Import threat to sheepmeat sector

Australia and New Zealand are pushing the UK to open its food market after Brexit and allow the same quota of low-tariff imports as they send to the whole of the EU. The UK would mirror the tariff rate quota of the whole EU bloc which would mean that larger imports of sheepmeat would be admitted tariff free. It is also likely that Australia would be interested in increasing their exports of cheese to the UK.

This could be devastating for the sheepmeat sector which has always been the most vulnerable to Brexit through a combination of increased imports and tariffs on exports to the EU. Upland farming is highly reliant on sheep.

The Government has produced some warm words, but Defra secretary Michael Gove has talked about 'an outcome that is net positive for UK agriculture.' In other words, some vulnerable sectors could take a hit.

Applying the whole EU TRQ to the UK would avoid the tricky problem of dividing it up while the EU would want to avoid a situation where its trading partners demanded compensation because the UK's departure would make their access quotas less valuable than before. This would particularly apply where an exported product is popular in the UK which is true of sheepmeat. It would also offer lower prices for consumers. Sheep farmers may have a tough fight on their hands.

Can new technology solve labour shortages in farming?

There is considerable interest in the potential of new technology for making farming more productive and less reliant on difficult to obtain labour. I think that the development and application of these technologies should form a key part of a domestic agricultural policy post Brexit, but no one should pretend that they offer a quick, readily available and affordable fix.

Big farms already use semi-autonomous satellite-guided tractors and combines, which can drive in straight lines without overlapping. However, these big machines also tend to compact the soil, affecting its long-term viability and plant growth.

Harper Adams University, using government funding from Innovate UK, have adopted machinery to drill, spray and harvest crops autonomously using open source software, cameras, lasers and sensors. They used drones and scout vehicles to monitor the field and collect data by bringing back soils and crop samples.

The first crop is slightly wobbly where the tractor failed to keep to its line. The first hands free crop is expected to yield only 4.5 tonnes per hectare, compared with 6.8 tonnes using conventional methods.

In the horticulture sector, where labour problems are particularly acute, machines to pick strawberries and apples are being deployed, but they pick at only one third of the rate of a human and miss 15 per cent of the crop. Moreover, the machines can cost something approaching £200,000. Most farmers reckon that their large scale deployment is at least a decade off.

However, it is clear that one narrative that is being put forward (see Matt Ridley in The Times today is that access to cheap labour has held back the introduction of new technology in British farming.

The deputy president of the NFU has told a meeting at the Liberal Democrat conference that future growth in agriculture will be driven by overseas labour. There was no sign of government action on labour and trade issues: Lack of action

Worker shortages draw media attention

The problems that Brexit has caused for labour intensive sections of agriculture have received considerable treatment in the media. The latest analysis in the Financial Times looks at Barfoots of Botley whose biggest crop is sweetcorn: Worker shortage

Barfoots operate along a strip of the south coast in West Sussex where there are many big horticultural firms. I have visited a number in the Littlehampton area. The area has a particularly favourable climate due to the shelter provided by the Isle of Wight.

Picking sweetcorn is a hard grind. It is repetitive and physical and must be done quickly if the product is to be on the shelf in optimum condition. Workers do 12-hour shifts on a range of tasks from picking to processing.

This year's headcount at Barfoots has been running about 15 per cent short, representing 50 to 60 workers. I would think that the biggest factor is the post-referendum fall in the value of sterling, combined with better opportunities in countries such as Poland. Seasonal workers also say they no longer feel welcome in the UK.

Another Brexit-related concern is, that like many horticultural concerns, Barfoots only produce in the UK from May to September. Production then shifts briefly to Germany, then to Spain and onwards to Morocco and Senegal. Post-Brexit import duties could play havoc with this arrangement.

What are the answers? Some would say pay more, but most workers earn between £8 to £10 an hour and there have been improvements in accommodation. Some growers offer English language lessons.

In the short run Barfoots are going to cut out labour intensive crops such as broad beans which offer small profit margins (although they are a useful part of a rotation).

Many see the answer in new technology, and I will consider this further in a later post, although it is not easily applicable to many labour intensive crops.

Seasonal workers will still be needed for many years to come and post Brexit there needs to be an arrangement for temporary work permits on the lines of the old SAWS scheme. Opinion poll data suggests that nearly two-thirds of voters would be prepared to support such a scheme.

Post-Brexit fruit picking apprenticeships

This is a dated satirical piece, but it makes some telling points in an amusing way given the Government's reluctance to accept arguments about the need for seasonal farm labour: Newsthump

Geographical indications become a Brexit issue

The basic idea behind geographical indications (GIs) is to prevent a domestic producer giving a name to their own product that gives the impression to consumers that it comes from the protected region covered by the GI, e.g., Parma ham. It is seen as a means of preventing the public from being misled by producers jumping on the bandwagon of a successful GI and also to prevent unfair competition.

The EU has been favourably disposed to GIs because it sees them as a means of encouraging high quality, value added food production in the EU which will increase returns to farmers. This has led to some conflicts with producers elsewhere in the world, e.g., with the United States over Parmesan cheese.

The EU has over 3,300 protected food and drink products which have a specific geographic origin. Sales of protected labels account for some six per cent of the EU's food and drink sector. The products are sold on average at a price more than two times higher than similar non GI products.

In the Brexit report from the Yorkshire Agricultural Society we did consider GIs, but in terms of continuing protection for British products such as Orkney cheddar cheese and Cornish pasties.

However, in one of its latest position papers the EU is demanding that Britain should legislate to recognise products such as Champagne, Parmesan and Beaufort cheese after Brexit. Such protection should be comparable with that provided by Union law: Position paper

Migration plans would hit farming hard

The plans for migration control after Brexit set out in the draft government paper leaked yesterday would hit farming hard, particularly the field vegetable and horticulture sectors which are labour intensive and rely on seasonal labour from elsewhere in the EU.

Under the Government's plans low-skilled workers wanting to stay more than three months would have to register with the Home Office. The National Farmers Union claimed that the plans would cause 'massive disruption to the entire food chain'.

The Government seems to have disregarded the arguments put forward by farmers, claiming that the shortage of labour can be dealt with by recruiting from the local labour pool and new technology. In practical terms we are near full employment, particularly in areas where fruit and vegetables are grown, and those workers that are available often lack the aptitude to tackle the work on offer. As for a shortage of labour becoming a spur for new technology, there are limitations here, particularly in terms of easily damaged fruit. I will look at this issue in more detail in a subsequent post.

There is some evidence that even Brexit voters are relatively relaxed about seasonal workers coming in for a time limited period. If voters found that fruit and vegetables were more limited in supply and more expensive to buy, they might start to question the wisdom of the Government's approach. The issue could readily easily by dealt with by a new version of the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme, although the fall in the value of sterling continues to make the UK a less attractive destination for seasonal workers.

New aide has remain background

Former deputy chief whip and remain supporter Sir John Randall has been appointed as special adviser on the environment to Theresa May. Sir John was formerly the MP for Uxbridge and South Ruislip. In 2015 he stood down in favour of Boris Johnson.

It is expected that he will play a key role in shaping future government policy for agriculture. He is seen as an antidote to the pro-Brexit instincts of Defra secretary of state Michael Gove.

Farmers have been complaining that Gove's energetic interventions are just intended to raise his political profile, but if farming does better as a result, everyone is a winner. However, some farmers consider that he is paying too much attention to conservation and wildlife interests.

Hard Brexit threat to farm exports

Campaigning organisation Open Britain claims that agriculture could suffer if existing trade agreements with the US are lost as the result of a hard Brexit: How trade could be derailed

19 trade agreements could be lost. Exports including beef, lamb and oilseeds could face new trade barriers. It is argued that these agreements will be lost once Britain leaves the EU unless the UK can negotiate new deals with the US, or negotiate to remain within the EU-US agreements, which in my view is not very likely. As far as a trade agreement with the US, the Americans are likely to want concessions on agriculture.

The agreements include food safety and animal welfare standards covering beef and pork as well as concessions on cereals and oilseeds.

Ireland position paper raises more questions than answers

That is a general view of the Government's position paper on Ireland, but it applies particularly to agriculture. It is suggested that one option to avoid disrupting the substantial trade in food and agricultural products between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic could be 'regulatory equivalence.' The UK would agree to achieve 'the same outcome and high standards, with scope for flexibility.' Is the latter phrase some kind of get out clause?

It is difficult to see how one could negotiate trade deals with countries like the US which would want entry to the UK market for its hormone reared beef and chlorinated chicken. Such deals are supposedly one of the benefits of Brexit.

If one had a customs agreement with the EU similar to that with Turkey, it should be noted that this excludes agricultural goods. Agricultural products would then need to be checked to ensure tariffs had been paid and that there was compliance with phytosanitary standards.

I am sceptical about claims that there is a technological fix to these issues, particularly given the current clunky state of HMRC's IT systems. The logical solution would be to have a border in the Irish Sea, but that is politically unacceptable, particularly with the DUP breathing down the Government's neck.

The New Zealand question

When Britain was originally negotiating and then confirming by referendum its membership of what was then the European Community, one of the issues was New Zealand agricultural products. I need to go back and read the contemporary literature, but essentially the point was that Kiwi exports of butter and lamb were important to its economy and the UK wanted to continue to have access to them tariff free, so it was agreed that quantities of these products could enter the common market free of tariffs.

New Zealand subsequently adopted a 'scorched earth' farm policy which caused more pain than many of its admirers admit and was also accompanied by a devaluation of the NZ dollar (as well as freeing up the country's ports from various restrictions). New Zealand has thus opened up new markets for its dairy products in East Asia and the Gulf states.

Nevertheless, that does not mean that the European market does not matter. New Zealand has formally objected to a plan that would limit the amount of its lamb sold in Britain. The UK Government wants to share the tariff rate quotas with the EU after Brexit. The hope is that replicating the EU's tariffs and quotas would make matters easier in the World Trade Organisation.

It is somewhat ironic given that it was hoped that one of the first post-Brexit free trade pacts would be with New Zealand. You might wonder what the UK could export all the way to New Zealand, but apparently it is about financial services.